Examples from the Screenplay of Trainspotting

Sample details Pages: 25 Words: 7402 Downloads: 6 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Introduction The main argument of this dissertation is that the language of John Hodges screenplay Trainspotting, even though it appears to contain sub-cultural social contexts, cannot be categorised within the framework of linguistic theory as representing a youth subculture. The verbal conflict formation in the text should be read as reflective of the larger worldview that verbal conflict behaviour is inevitable in all societies, as are the existence of social dialectsand the usage of common slang. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Examples from the Screenplay of Trainspotting | Linguistics" essay for you Create order 1. Gumperz Term: Speech Community In his 1982 volume Discourse strategies, John Gumperz discusses the concept of a speech community. He defines speech community as a system of organized diversity held together by common norms and aspirations. He also states that the speech community must form the starting point of linguistic analysis. He further states that although members of the same speech community may differ in terms of their beliefs and their behaviours, that this is a normal variation and has been shown to be a systematic regularity of communities. For, the most part, however, members of speech communities generally share norms of evaluation. Gumperz stresses the point that it is not the individual speakers of a language that make up a speech community. He cites the theories of Saussure and others of that time period to support this statement: It was believed that these reflect either momentary preferences, personal idiosyncrasies, or expressive or emotive tendencies, which rely on universal signalling mechani sms and are thus not part of the system of meaningful sounds by which substantive information is conveyed (11-12). According to Gumperz, although the ability to form grammatical statements is common to all speakers of a certain language, the more complex knowledge of contextualization convention varies widely. He also points out that contextualization is not something that can be attained through formal education or reading, but must be learned through face-to-face interactions. Discourse at this level is marked by conventions that reflect prolonged interactive experience by individuals cooperating in institutionalized settings in the pursuit of shared goals in friendship, occupational and similar networks of relationships (209). Language and social identity, a volume published in the same year, was co-authored by Jenny Cook-Gumperz. In this work, he discusses the role of communicative skills in our society, asserting that they have been radically altered. It is absolutely essential for individuals in todays society to be capable of managing or adapting to a variety of diverse communicative situations. In addition, they must be able to interact freely with people who are virtual strangers to them. These abilities are an absolute necessity if one is to acquire a sense of personal control and to establish a sense of order in ones life. The cause for this change, he asserts, is the bureaucratization of public institutions, which have become increasingly pervasive in our day-to-day lives. He sees this as a result of our post-industrial society and states that it exists in both Western and non-Western countries. The skills required to function at this level are far more complex, but must be mastered if one is to function autonomously as a member of a speech community. 2. Hallidays Notion: Antilanguages In Language as social semiotic: The social interpretation oflanguage and meaning, M.A.K. Halliday explains the initial acquisitionof language as part of the development of the child as a socialcreature: Language is the main channel through which the patterns ofliving are transmitted to him, through which he learns to act as amember of a society (9). The child does this, she goes on toexplain, through associations with family, neighbourhood, and varioussocial groups; these comprise the foundation on which the child baseshis or her belief systems and values. The child does not learn these things directly, but ratherindirectly, Halliday explains. It is through the accumulatedexperience of numerous small events, insignificant in themselves, inwhich his behaviour is guided and controlled, and in the course ofwhich he contracts and develops personal relationships of all kinds'(9). The unifying factor here is language; language is the mediumthrough which all of this takes place. She develops her discussion further by introducing the notion of anantisociety which is in direct contrast to society, describing theantisociety as a conscious alternative that can also be viewed as aform of resistance. This resistance can take a number of forms. It canbe passive, in which case it will appear, at least outwardly, to causeno harm. On the other hand, it can be actively hostile to the point ofcausing actual destruction. The antilanguage is the language of the antisociety. It isparallel to the antisociety, which of course generates it. Bothlanguage and its counterpart, antilanguage, share equal linguisticsignificance. According to Halliday, either pair, a society and itslanguage or an antisociety and its (anti) language, is, equally, aninstance of the prevailing sociolinguistic order (164). Halliday describes the antilanguage as a form of resocialization,as a mechanism that creates an alternative reality. In this sense, shedoes not see it as a negative construct, but rather of reconstruction(170). The significant aspect of the language/antilanguage dynamicexists in the distance between the two, and in the tension that iscaused by that distance. The individual may function in either worldand may go back and forth with relative comfort. In this sense, it mayseem that he is living a double existence. Still, it should not be forgotten that both aspectslanguage andantilanguageoriginate from the same place. Because of this commonbackground, there is continuity between them which parallels thatbetween society and antisociety. Not only is there a continuity, thereis also tension. Hence, although the languages may be expressed bymembers of different social strata, they are both parts of the samesocial system. In other words, the antisociety is, in terms ofLvi-Strausss distinction between metaphor and metonymy, metonymic tosocietyit is an extension of it, within the social system (Halliday175). Thus, basically, an antilanguage is just another language. However,the world it exists in is a counter-reality, which in itself hascertain implications: It implies preoccupation with the definition anddefence of identity through the ritual functioning of the socialhierarchy. It implies a special conception of information and ofknowledge (172). In addition, there will be a certain amount of secrecy in anantilanguage; this is inherent in its nature. The reality in which itfunctions is a secret reality. Generally, the members of this realitydo have secrets. Often these secrets may have something of an illegalassociation to them. It is just as likely, however, that the secretsare not illegal, but merely lacking in respectability and socialsanction. They may be the secrets of a segment of the population whichexists at least partly in its fringes, although its members may notwant this known in the mainstream. The antisociety is, then, a metaphorfor the society, and it joins society at the level of the social system. The perspective of the antilanguage is generally that of adistinctly different view of the world, one which is thereforepotentially threatening, if it does not coincide with ones own'(Halliday 179). The purpose of the antilanguage is primarily fordisplay as its speakers struggle to maintain their counter-realitywhile existing within the confines of the world. An antilanguage, according to Halliday, brings into sharp reliefthe role of language as a realization of the power structure ofsociety (181). The antilanguages of countercultures, such as prisonsand criminal networks, are often full are defined against the socialstructure. Essentially, they are defined by what they are not. This isnot unlike the jargon or nomenclature of certain highly-specialisedprofessions, which may in some sense be seen as having a similarthoughacceptable by societycounter-reality. Members of mainstream society who are speakers solely of standarddialect may have negative reactions to antilanguage. However, they willusually express this indirectly. For example, they may state that theydont like the vowels as they are pronounced by the speakers of theantilanguage, when in essence what they are saying is that they dontlike the values held by the speakers of the antilanguage. 3. Labovs Finding: The Concept of Sounding Labov and his colleagues (Paul Cohen, Clarence Robins, and JohnLewis) studied the vernacular of young American black males in theinner city areas of New York. The youths ranged in age from eight to 19years old, and they spoke a relatively uniform grammar, the language ofstreet culture. Labov and his team used a variety of methods to gather their data,the most important of which was long-term participant-observation withpeer groups (via). They collected tape-recorded conversations that tookplace on school buses, field trips, and partiesessentially, any typeof gathering where the youths got together and socialized. They thencarefully analyzed the data they collected, noting the patterns theyfound in speech events. Two examples of these exchanges are below. A: Eat shit. B: Hop on the spoon. A. Move over. B. I cant, your mothers already there. The following exchange is between two adolescents, John and Willie, with an observer (Rel) looking on: John: Who father wear raggedy drawers? Willie: Yeh the ones with so many holes in them when-a-you walk they whistle? Rel: Oh . . . shi-it! When you walk they whistle! Oh shit! (326) Given the insults against the person, his family, his poverty, aperson who is not a member of a given culture might expect thesituation to escalate into physical conflict. However, Labov points out that these are actually ritual insults. Herefers to this as sounding, which he describes as a complex patternof verbal conflict. Sounding has also been called playing the dozensor signifying. It consists of a dialogue that is usually performedfor an audience of observers who are usually peers. The dialogue itselfconsists of ritual insults, most of which are directed towards theother speakers mother, self, or housing situation. The speakers tradethese sounds back and forth as though in competition, and theaudience looks on. Occasionally an audience member will comment, approve, ordisapprove of the statements of one or both speakers. Labov points outthat the audience is an essential ingredient to this process: It istrue that one person can sound against another without a third personbeing present, but the presupposition that this is public behavior caneasily be heard in the verbal style. The presence of an audience has a definite impact on the speechevent. The sounds are no longer spoken in a direct, face-to-faceconversational mode when others are present. The speakers voices tendto be raised and they become more projected, suggesting full awarenessthat the audience is there. In the second exchange above, Rel makes acomment on Willies insult, praising it. In a sounding session, Labovpoints out, everything is publicnothing significant happens withoutdrawing comment. The rules and patterning of this particular speechevent are therefore open for our inspection (327). In fact, theexistence of an audience is considered a defining factor, according toLabov. A primary difference between sounding and other speech events isthat most sounds are evaluated overtly and immediately by theaudience (325). By closely analyzing the discourse of this segment of thepopulation, Labov was able to isolate certain characteristics and todiscern patterns in the structure of this ritual exchan ge of insults.After a while, the fundamental difference that divides ritual insultsand personal insults became clear. For example, there was a very clearopposition between an insult that is made during this ritualperformance and an actual, personal insult. The appropriate responsesare quite different: a personal insult is answered by a denial, excuse,or mitigation, whereas a sound or ritual insult is answered by longersequences (335). The ritual insults must be exaggerated to thepoint of being ridiculous and clearly untrue. This is clear to both thespeakers and to the audience that is following the exchange. If theinsults violate this rulefor example, one speaker makes a comment thatis both derogatory and which is known to be accuratethe ritual mayturn into conflict. The speech event we call sounding is not isolated from other formsof verbal interaction: it can merge with them or become transformedinto a series of personal insults, asserts Labov (330). He points outthat when ritual insult passes over into a different level ofdiscourse, that of interpersonal conflict, the difference between thetwo is unmistakably clear. Audience reaction is a key tool in assessing sounds. Laughter isthe primary mark of affirmation. A really successful sound will beevaluated by overt commentsAnother, even more forceful mode ofapproving sounds is t repeat the striking part of the sound oneself'(325). Negative reactions to sounds happen with a similar frequency andare equally overt. At the end of any sounding contest, all members,speakers and audience alike, are keenly aware of the who has come outahead. 4-a. Goffmans Notion: Face in Politeness Goffman writes that the ritual order seems to be organizedbasically on accommodative lines (109). These lines allow individualsto build and maintain illusions about themselves, and are not governedby laws or justice. Rather, Goffman asserts, the main principle of theritual order is not justice but face (110). Hence, the governingprinciple is what allows individuals to save face. Individuals whocross the line do not suffer retribution, but rather receive what isnecessary to bolster the illusion of self to which they are committed. The ways in which an individuals may insulate themselves aremyriad. Some of them include half-truths, illusions, andrationalizations. Therefore, not only are they able to convincethemselves of the beliefs necessary to his continued sense of self,they are further bolstered by the support of those close to them. Thusthey continue to believe in the illusion of self, and this illusion isfurther maintained and reinforced by the members of their immediate,intimate circle (109). 4-b. Does face exist in the discourse when verbal conflict occurs? An incidence of verbal conflict requires the individual uponwhom the offense has been committed to react in some way. The type ofreaction will depend on the level of offense. One mechanism for savingface is avoidance. That is, if a person is offended by anotherindividual, but can let the incident go without losing too much face,then it is likely that the offended person will let the situation go.He or she may rationalize this by telling themselves that they willdeal with the offender at some point in the future, perhaps when thecircumstances are optimalalthough it is just as likely that when thispoint in time presents itself, no action will be taken. If the offense committed against the person is great, an actionmust be taken by the offended person. They may decide to withdraw fromthe situation and may avoid future encounters with individuals whobreak the ritual code. Alternately, they may arrange to have theoffending person removed, thus ensuring that there will be no furthercommunication necessary with this individual. Societies must mobilize their members as self-regulatingparticipants in social encounters Goffman asserts. Ritual is one wayof doing this. Members of society are taught the importance of face,and that they should value such qualities as pride, honor, dignity, andpoise (110). Maintaining face then is a one way in which individuals protectthemselves and maintain their illusions of who they are and where theystand in the social hierarchy. This does not mean that face is realor authentic: Universal human nature is not a very human thing,asserts Goffman. By acquiring it, the person becomes a kind ofconstruct, built up not from inner psychic propensities but from moralrules that are impressed upon him from without (110). This constructis necessary for the individuals sense of self and helps him tomaintain the ritual equilibrium that is essential for his survival. 5. Brown and Levinson and the politeness phenomena Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson derive their definition offace from Goffman. They also include the English folk term, whichincludes the concept of being embarrassed or humiliatedor, simply put,losing face. They explain this further: Thus face is something thatis emotionally invested, and that can be lost, maintained, or enhanced,and must be constantly attended to in interaction (Brown and Levinson61). Brown and Levinson also point out that one individuals sense offace is dependent upon the continued maintenance of everyone elsessense of face. A threat to one individuals face, then, becomes athreat to all. Individuals in the community soon learn that it is intheir best interest to defend not only their own faces, but those ofthe other members of the community as well. Brown and Levinson discuss two kinds of linguistic politeness: positive politeness and negative politeness. Central to our model is a highly abstract notion of facewhich consists of two specific kinds of desires(face-wants) attributed by interactants to one another: thedesire to be unimpeded in ones actions (negative face), and the desire (in some respects) to be approved of (positive face)(13). Brown and Levinson offer fifteen strategies that speakers use to establish positive politeness: [H= addressee] 1. notice, attend to Hs interests, wants, needs, goods 2. exaggerate interest, approval, sympathy with H 3. intensify interest to H 4. use in-group identity markers -address forms -use of in-group language or dialect -use of jargon or slang -contraction and ellipsis 5. seek agreement 6. avoid disagreement 7. presuppose/raise/assert common groundgossip, small talk 8. joke 9. assert or presuppose Ss knowledge of and concern for Hs wants 10. offer, promise 11. be optimistic 12. include both S H in the activity, using we 13. give (or ask for reasons) 14. assume or assert reciprocity 15. give giftsgoods, sympathy, understanding, cooperation If positive politeness is defined as redress directed to theaddressees positive face, then negative politeness is redressiveaction addressed to the addressees negative face: his want to have hisfreedom of action unhindered and his attention unimpeded (129).Strategies used by speakers in the process of establishing negativeface include: 1. be conventionally indirectopposing tensions, indirect speech acts 2. question, hedge 3. be pessimistic 4. minimize the imposition 5. give deference 6. apologize 7. impersonalize S H 8. state the FTA [face-threatening act] as a general rules 9. nominalize 10. go on record as incurring a debt, or as not indebting H Brown and Levinson have a third category for speech actions. Thisone is off record. A communicative act is done off record if it isdoe in such a way that it is not possible to attribute only one clearcommunicative intention to the act (211). 1. give hints 2. give assocation clues 3. presuppose 4. understate 5. overstate 6. use tautologies 7. use contradictions 8. be ironic 9. use metaphors 10. use rhetorical questions 11. be ambiguous 12. be vague 13. over-generalize 14. displace H 15. be incomplete, use ellipsis Off record politeness is a sort of hybrid strategy that falls in between the two and is difficult, if not impossible to definitively categorize (Brown and Levinson, 230). 6a. Grimshaws concept of conflict talk In the introduction to his 1990 volume Conflict talk:Sociolinguistic investigations of arguments in conversations, AllenGrimshaw writes: Conflict talk is at the same time so complex a phenomenon andone so deeply implicated in every dimension of human sociallife that it would be possible to identify dozens of reasonswhy it should be a focus of systematic inquiry; by thesame token one would be left wondering why its study hasbeen so neglected (3). Grimshaw points out that conflicts may have as their focus a numberof subjects, including beliefs, objects (things), persons, groups, orinstitutions (294). Interestingly, he asserts that as long as conflicttalk is sustained and the participants do not withdraw, conflicts need not increase in hostility. The increase in hostilityseems to occur only with an increased sense of intensity on both sides 6b. Goodwin and Goodwin: interstitial argument In their essay Interstitial argument, Charles Goodwin andMarjorie Harness Goodwin present the findings of their researchregarding verbal conflict. During the course of their research theywere able to closely study the relationship between participants andtheir local environment. One thing they found is that despite thedisruptive behavior that accompanies an argument, the participants payextremely close attention to the details surrounding them. During theargument, what goes on is actually a process of very intricatecoordination between the parties who are opposing each other (85). For a year and a half M.H. Goodwin audiotaped a group of urbanblack children as they played together in the street. This was onesegment of a larger project in which a range of speech activities werebeing studies. These activities included gossip, arguments, stories,and directives, and similar activities. Specifically, four childrenwere audiotaped during oppositional exchanges, and these exchanges werethen transcribed and analyzed. One of the issues at hand was aslingshot battle. All exchanges, from the planning stages to theselection of teams to the preparation of weapons, were studied inmeticulous detail. From these data Goodwin examined content shift andcontext within argument, multi-party argument, and piggybacking, oraffiliation in argument. Analysing their findings, the Goodwins discovered that by followingthe sequence of utterances, it was clear that the four individualsinvolved in the exchange did not have equal positions (107). It seemedclear that each side had a primary spokesman, followed by a secondindividual who followed the behavior of the primary spokesman. This ledGoodwin and Goodwin to conclude that the structures utilised in theprocess of negotiating opposition also provide resources for theparticipants, enabling them to duplicate types of social organization.Thus, the process of arguing essentially gives the participants resources for reproducing a life that is greater than that of the argument itself (113). Finally, Goodwin and Goodwin write that it has been argued that thetalk people produce during their dealings with each other is oftenconsidered to be too disorderly to be properly organized and studied.In response to this, they write that in analysing the data from thisstudy they found anything but disorder. The participants themselves,within the space of a very few turns, produce a range of systematicpermutations on a basic structure with a precision that would tax theingenuity of even the most inventive experimental design to replicate'(114). 6c. Schiffrin: argument: the role of opinions and stories Deborah Schiffrin asserts that everyday forms of talk are guidedby norms of co-operation and competition. Even argument, a form of talkwhich might seem to be the paradigm example of conflict talk, can be aco-operative way of speaking as well as (or instead of) a competitiveway of speaking (241). Schriffin uses Goffmans concepts of footing and frame asadditional links. Footing and frames are very similar to eachother. Schriffin explains the frame as the definition of thesituation, and the footing as the sort of alignments taken up byparticipation (242). She then goes on to explore opinions and stories. With regard toopinions, she admits that it is not always possible to find linguisticfeatures which mark a declarative statement as the presentation of an opinion, and that because of this,one needs to look elsewhere, and she presents her criteria fordiscerning what an opinion actually consists of, concluding thatopinions are unverifiable, internal, subjective depictions of anexternal worldthe facts presented by the author cannot remainundisputed, but the principals stance toward that proposition cannotbe/ disputed 248-9). This, she explains, also gives opinions aparadoxical status in argument, such that they can either initiate orend an argument (249). She then discusses the role of stories, breaking them down into: selective interpretation deictic (time) shifts evaluation contextualization First of all, she asserts, one must consider that theinterpretation of stories is highly selective. Individuals will choosecertain stories and interpret them in a way that justifies certainbehaviors and actions. Second, there are deictic, or time shifts, to beconsidered. For example, frequently a speaker must re-orient him orherself back to the actual time of the story, to a time when they mighthave had less knowledge or information about the story. The thirdaspect of stories that Schiffrin finds significant are the evaluativedevices used by the storyteller. These devices can be phonological,grammatical, or textual in nature. Finally, she asserts, stories arepresented as frames within certain events are explained,contextualizing them. Text Analysis on Verbal Conflict, using examples from the screenplay of Trainspotting 1. Overview. Trainspotting is a coming-of-age story in story of a group ofheroin-addicted young people from Edinburgh. It is a very vividdepiction of junkie life as well as a cross-section of life in the 90s.The title of the book, Trainspotting, is also a term used in theBritish Isles for people who, as a hobby, keep track of local trainschedules with excessive vigilance. Essentially, the term is synonymouswith wasting time, making this activity a sort of metaphor for heroinaddiction. Both activities are essentially pointless and futile. Drugs are a central focus of the story, and in particular (but notexclusively) heroin. This is very clear from the language that is used.This can be noted from the frequency of the occurrence of terms whichrelate to heroin. There are numerous references to the sale,acquisition, preparation, injection, and withdrawal of heroin. Thedrug-related words which appear with highest frequency include hit,junk, shot, and inject, each of which appear more than ten times.Other commonly used drug words include of course the drugitselfheroinalong with its many variations, such as smack and skag. However, despite the omnipresence of drug and drug-relatedactivities, the story does not set out to glorify heroin use; neitherdoes it condemn or moralize use of the drug. It does, however, give aclear depiction of the bleak environment this group of young peoplemust survive in. The area is working-class. References are made to DSSchecks and Giro, which are terms associated with the life of povertyand struggle. This dismal backdrop, and the fact that they have littlehope of physical escape, makes their wreckless behaviour a bit moreunderstandable. Their addictions seem to be the most reliable, if notthe only, escape. Trainspotting is very definitely a movie about youth culture. Itshows an intricate understanding of the issues and influences uponyouth at that period in time, and it realistically reflects thecultural experiences had by young people. Trainspotting appeals to acult-prone youth because it contains the elements that comprisefoundations of subculture in British culture. Alt hough other worksappealed to the youth culture of that period, Trainspotting enjoyed apopularity that exceeded most of them. This may have been due to itsauthenticity in replicating the youth culture experience. When it first premiered (and even now), the graphic detail ofits language and content was found to be rather shocking by some.However, it resonated very strongly with anyone familiar with drugculture. It reflects, sometimes quite graphically, the underbelly ofEdinburgh in the 1980s, and focuses, as mentioned earlier, mainly onone group of heroin addicts, as well as their friends and families.Their experiences as they struggle with very real issues that many canidentify with: life, work, family, death, the struggle to survive.Other issuesones that may not have been part of mainstream culturearepresented as well: AIDS, heroin overdose, heroin withdrawal, and raves,among others. The use of dialect is very powerful in Trainspotting. Inaddition, the social, political, and economic views expressed by thecharacters would have mirrored the views of societys fringemembersspecifically members of the youth and/or drug cultures. Renton and his mates do not rebel against society, but they doattempt to transcend in their destructive ways. Renton often parodiesfamous Thatcher quotes through his Choose life rants and frequentcomments regarding the emptiness of society, as demonstrated in thefollowing examples from the screenplay: Choose life. Choose a job. Choose a career. Choose a family.Choose a fucking big television, choose washing machines, cars, compactdisc players, and electrical tin openers. Choose good health, low cholesterol, and dental insurance. Choosefixed-interest mortgage repayments. Choose a starter home. Choose yourfriends. Choose leisurewear and matching luggage. Choose a three-piece suiton hire purchase in a range of fucking fabrics. Choose DIY andwondering who the fuck you are on a Sunday morning. Choose sitting onthat couch watching mind-numbing, spirit-crushing game shows, stuffingfucking junk food into your mouth. Choose rotting away at the endof it all, pishing your last in a miserable home, nothing more than anembarrassment to the selfish, fucked-up brats you have spawned toreplace yourself. Choose your future. Choose life. I chose not to choose life. I chose something else. And thereasons? There are no reasons. Who needs reasons when youve gotheroin? The lifestyle portrayed in Trainspotting has been described asrepresenting a detached subculture of British youth. However, thereis no evidence in the screenplay to support this assertion. The youngcharacters in this story simply attempt to survive in the largerenvironment by adapting in whatever ways they can, primarily throughmusic and through drugs. They do not attempt to change the status quo,nor are they champions of social reform. They simply react to the bleaksocial conditions that they were born into. Unable to physically escape their environment, they find release in music, drugs, alcohol, and sex. Renton is a prime example of this. He is not proactive, he issimply a survivor. He assesses situations with the manipulative eye ofan addict, and he reacts accordingly, taking advantage when he sees theopportunity. He and his contemporaries are merely representative ofyouth who are struggling for a sense of identity. Their mindset isambiguous; they react to outside societal pressures by employing theirchosen means. But they cannot be considered as a youth subculture basedon their language that has been described in the previous section. Language The language used in the screenplay is clearly a reflection of thetime. In addition to the frequency of drug-related words, as discussedabove, there are a number of terms that may be considered vulgar, or atleast not acceptable, words. These usually refer to bodily functions.For example the word fuck appears in one form or another over onehundred times in the screenplay. The word cunt is another example. Generally speaking, the wordcunt can be used to refer to any person, even a friend, but it isusually used to refer to an enemy or someone one does not particularlylike. However, in Hodges screenplay, it is used in a different way. Itappears with relative frequency, approximately 16 separate occasions,some of which are shown below: . Examples from Renton: 1. The only drawback, or at least the principal drawback, is that you have to endure all manner of cunts telling you that. 2. Under the normal run of things, I would have had nothing to do with the cunt, but this was not the normal run of things. 3. If they think youre not trying, youre in trouble. First hint ofthat, theyll be on to the DSS, This cunts no trying, and your Girois fucking finished, right? Examples from Begbie: 1. Then this hard cunt comes in. Obviously fancied himself. Starts looking at me. 2. So what does the hard cunt do, or so-called hard cunt? 3. It was fucking obvious that that cunt was going to fuck some cunt. 4. Well, you know me, Im no lookin for trouble but at the end ofthe day Im the cunt with the pool cue and Im game for a swedge. 5. You daft cunt. 6. Sorrys no going to dry me off, you cunt. As evidenced by the lines from Renton, the term cunt here isquite versatile. In Example 1, cunts refers to members of themainstream society, individuals who have power and authority, somethingthat Renton and his crew decidedly do not. In Example 2, it is used asan almost everyday, casual expression for females. It does have aslightly negative connotation, but the general attitude towards womenis negative throughout. Therefore it is difficult to make thisdetermination. In Example 3, cunt refers back to the self. Renton isreferring to how the cunts in Example 1 would theoretically refer tohim as a cunt who is not putting forth an effort. In the selections from Begbie, Examples 1 and 2, cunt is aderogatory use of the word for a woman. In Example 3, it refers toother males. Example 4 is another instance of cunt referring back tothe self in a negative manner. Examples 5 and 6 demonstrate exampleswhere cunt is used as a form of direct address to females. Excerpt of Screenplay by John Hodge: Renton turns to see Begbie making his way through the crowd with thepints held precariously. A Man standing with a group of friendsaccidentally nudges Begbie, causing a pint to spill over him. BEGBIE: For fucks sake. MAN: Sorry, mate, Ill get you another. BEGBIE: All down my fucking front, you fucking idiot. MAN: Look, Im sorry, I didnt mean it. BEGBIE: Sorrys no going to dry me off, you cunt. RENTON: Cool down, Franco, the guys sorry. BEGBIE: Not sorry enough for being a fat cunt. MAN: Fuck you. If you cant hold a pint, then you shouldnt be in the pub, mate, now fuck off. Begbie drops the remaining three pints. As the man looks down to thefalling glasses, Begbie smashes the fourth pint in his face. A fight breaks out between the Man and Begbie. Sick Boy and Spud rushin to restrain Begbie. Renton sits still, not even looking at the fightor what follows. His eyes are fixed on the bag while his hands fiddle. Gumperz concept of a speech community, or a system of organizeddiversity held together by common norms and aspirations, does not seemto adequately describe the community of Begbie, Sick Boy, Spud, andRenton in this scene. They may have similar aspirations in terms ofcompleting a drug deal. Also, they may have similar value systems,considering the fact that they share a disregard for values that areordinarily esteemed in mainstream society. Gumperz also discusses the role of communicative skills in oursociety. He states that these skills are now much different than theywere in the past, requiring a complex level of expertise to establish asense of order in ones life and to acquire a sense of personal controland direction. According to Gumperz, it is absolutely essential forindividuals in todays society to be capable of managing or adapting toa variety of diverse communicative situations. In addition, they mustbe able to interact freely with people who are virtual strangers tothem. These are abilities that Gumperz finds indispensable. In the scene above, it is clear that the communicative skills ofBegbie are not quite at what Gumperz would consider an acceptablelevel. He is unable manage his behavior, and he is unable to adapt wellto a diverse communicative situation. In addition, he appears unable tointeract freely with a virtual stranger. Whether this is due to lack ofskill or lack of desire, the end resultconflictremains the same. In keeping with Gumperz ideas, the skills required to function atthis level must be mastered if one is to function autonomously as amember of a speech community. It may be argued that Begbie, Sick Boy,Spud, and Renton do function, albeit on a rather limited level. SickBoy and Spud do step and try to control the escalating situation, butthis is actually damage control, not autonomous functioning. Inaddition, Rentons focus is completely diverted; in this scene, he isclearly not an autonomous member of a speech community. Halliday explains the initial acquisition of language as part of thedevelopment of the child as a social creature. The child does this, sheexplains, through associations with family, neighbourhood, and varioussocial groups; these comprise the foundation on which the child baseshis or her belief systems and values. She develops her concept of theantisociety by stating that is direct contrast to society.Antisociety, according to Halliday, is a conscious alternative, a formof resistance, which can be passive, at least overtly, or hostile, tothe point of being destructive. The antilanguage, then, is thelanguage of the antisociety. It is part of the antisociety which hasgenerated it. Applying this theory to Trainspotting in general does not seem tobe effective. Renton and his mates cannot be said to be rebellingagainst a belief system that they assimilated as children. They stillshare the basic values of their families. Therefore, if they were trulymembers of an antisociety, and speaking the antilanguage thusgenerated, they would have swung towards the other poleback towardsmainstream, acceptable society. However, having been born and raisedin a society that might itself be considered antisociety, this theorydoes not apply here. The exchange could be seen as argumentative, or at the veryleast highly provocative. Applying Labovs sounding theory, this wouldbe an example of when ritual insult passes over into a different levelof discourse. This is clearly an interpersonal conflict; the differencebetween this and ritual insult, or sounding, is very clear. According to Labov, audience reaction is a key tool in assessingsounds. Laughter, the primary mark of affirmation, is noticeably absentin this scene. Neither are there negative comments. Instead, theaudience, which consists of Sick Boy, Spud, and Renton, reactdifferently. Sick Boy and Spud take direct physical action, rushing into control Begbie and to contain the situation from further agitation.Rentons response is actually a lack of response: he is focused onsomething totally apart from what is going on with Begbie and the Man. Goffman writes that the ritual order seems to be organizedbasically on accommodative lines, and that these lines allowindividuals to build and maintain illusions about themselves, and arenot governed by laws or justice. Rather, Goffman asserts, the mainprinciple of the ritual order is not justice but face. In regards toRenton et al., this is questionable. In the first place, Renton and hiscrew do not have many illusions about themselvesat any rate, certainlynot positive ones. Goffman speaks of individuals crossing a line; thisline is non-existent in Rentons world. It may have existed at onetime, but it has long since been crossed. Goffman also asserts that the ways in which individualsinsulate themselves are include half-truths, illusions, andrationalizations. Though it can be argued that Renton and his matescertainly do indulge in all of these things, it is certainly not toinsulate themselves: for that, they have drugs, alcohol, and otherequally self-destructive behaviors. Goffman also asserts that an incidence of verbal conflict requiresthe individual upon whom the offense has been committed to react insome way, and that the type of reaction will depend on the level ofoffense. Therefore, if a person is offended by another individual, butcan let the incident go without losing too much face, then it islikely that the offended person will let the situation go, perhapsthinking they will confront it at a later, more opportune time. If theoffense committed against the person is great, an action must be takenby the offended person. They may decide to withdraw from the situationand may avoid future encounters with individuals who break the ritualcode. Alternately, they may arrange to have the offending personremoved, thus ensuring that there will be no further communicationnecessary with this individual. In the passage above, there is no indication that Begbie had anyinclination to stop and think about the level of injury inflictedduring this accidental encounter; neither did he consider the resultsof his actions. He simply reacted in a very impulsive way, which is theonly way he knew. He acted before he had a chance to thinkin Begbiesworld, this would be considered normal behavior. Societies must mobilize their members as self-regulatingparticipants in social encounters Goffman asserts. Ritual is one wayof doing this. Members of society are taught the importance of face,and that they should value such qualities as pride, honor, dignity, andpoise (110). However, in Begbies world, the concepts of pride, honor,dignity, and poise have very different definitions. Brown and Levinson suggest that an individuals sense of face isdependent upon the continued maintenance of everyone elses sense offace. A threat to one individuals face, then, becomes a threat to all.Individuals in the community soon learn that it is in their bestinterest to defend not only their own faces, but those of the othermembers of the community as well. Then break this category down into two main categories oflinguistic politeness: positive politeness and negative politeness,and a third category, which they call off record. The latter categoryis used in cases that do not easily fit into the first two divisions. By using the criteria stipulated by Brown and Levinson, it isapparent that several dynamics are at play. Initially, the passage fromthe screenplay appears to employ several of the strategies that Brownand Levinson describe as ways to establish positive face. However,upon further examination, it becomes apparent that strategies from thecategory of negative politeness are evident as well. Application ofthe third category, the off-record category, further complicatesmatters. Thus it appears impossible to accurately place this excerpt oftext in any of the categories suggested by Brown and Levinson. Grimshaws theory of conflict talk is based on the premise thatconflicts are focused subjects that include belief systems,object/things, persons, groups, or institutions, and that the conflicttalk will be sustained as long as the participants do not withdraw.This theory does not apply to the passage above. Goodwin and Goodwin defy the assertion that the talk people produceduring their interactions is often considered to be too disorderly tobe properly organized and studied. In response to this, they write thatin analysing the data from this study they found anything butdisorder. The participants themselves, within the space of a very fewturns, produce a range of systematic permutations on a basic structurewith a precision that would tax the ingenuity of even the mostinventive experimental design to replicate (114). The exchange betweenBegbie and the Man is truncated before any such order is discernible.The involvement of additional individuals, specifically Sick Boy andSpud, only lends to the sense of disorder. The ultimate escalation ofevents into the resulting violence forces a final situation of chaos,which does not fit in with the theory put forth by Goodwin and Goodwin. Schriffin uses Goffmans concepts of footing and frame asadditional links. Footing and frames are very similar to eachother. Schriffin explains the frame as the definition of thesituation, and the footing as the sort of alignments taken up byparticipation (242). She continues her discussion by exploringopinions and stories. With regard to opinions, she admits that it isnot always possible to find linguistic features which mark adeclarative statement as the presentation of an opinion, and thatbecause of this, one needs to look elsewhere. Her ultimate conclusionis that opinions are basically unverifiable, internal, subjectivedepictions of an external world. This, she explains, also givesopinions a paradoxical status in argument, such that they can eitherinitiate or end an argument (249). In the confrontation between Begbieand the Man, stories and opinions do not come into play. Begbiesnonverbal message of smashing the pint in the Mans face ends theencounter abruptly, and renders all fur ther communication pointless. This dissertation set out to explore a number of importantlinguistic theories in order to analyze the language of John Hodgesscreenplay, Trainspotting, which is thought by many to containsub-cultural and social contexts that cause it to be interpretedlinguistically as a youth subculture piece. However, a close look atthe language of this screenplay makes clear that this is a story of theunderbelly of Edinburgh, populated by characters who are haunted by anumber of issues and addictions. The world these characters inhabit isbleak and hopeless, and their days are filled with the futile searchfor temporary respite through artificial, chemical solace. This is a world bereft of hope, plagued by poverty, addiction,violence, and AIDs, among other issues. As such, it may berepresentative of a sub-culture of sorts, but this is a consequence ofthe environment, not a linguistic construct based on linguistic theory. The verbal conflict formation in the text should be read as reflectiveof the larger worldview that verbal conflict behaviour is inevitable inall societies, as are the existence of social dialects and the usage of common slang. Bavelas, Janet, Rogers, L. Edna, and Millar, Frank. 1985.Interpersonal Conflict. Pp. 9 26 in T. van Dijk, ed., Handbook ofDiscourse Analysis Volume 4: Discourse Analysis in Society. London:Academic Press. Brown, Penelope and Levinson, Stephen. 1978. Politeness: Someuniversals in language usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dijk, Teun A. van. 1985. Handbook of Discourse Analysis Volume 4: Discourse Analysis in Society. London: Academic Press. Glossary of Drug-Related Slang (Street Language) https://www.uta.fi/FAST/AV5B/drugslan.html. Accessed August 3, 2005. Goodwin, Charles and Goodwin, Marjorie Harness. 1990. Interstitialargument. Pp. 85117 in A. Grimshaw (ed.), Conflict talk:Sociolinguistic investigations of arguments in conversations.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goffman, E.. 1997. The Goffman Reader. Lemert, Charles and Branaman, Ann, eds. Oxford: Blackwell. Grimshaw, Allen, ed. 1990. Conflict talk: Sociolinguisticinvestigations of arguments in conversations. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press. Grimshaw, Allen. 1990. Research on conflict talk: antecedents,resources, findings, directions. Pp. 280324.in 259 in.A. Grimshaw(ed.), Conflict talk: Sociolinguistic investigations of argumentsin conversations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gumperz, John. 1982. Discourse strategies. London: Cambridge University Press. Gumperz, John, ed. 1982. Language and social identity. London: Cambridge University Press. Gumperz, John and Jenny Cook-Gumperz. 1982. Introduction: language andthe communication of social identity. Pp. 121 in Gumperz, John,ed. 1982. Language and social identity. London: CambridgeUniversity Press. Hansell, Mark and Seabrook Ajirotutu, Cheryl. 1982. Negotiatinginterpretations in interethnic settings. Pp. 8594 in J. Gumperz,(ed.), 1982. Language and social identity. London: CambridgeUniversity Press. Halliday, M.A.K. 1978. Language as social semiotic: The socialinterpretation of language and meaning. London: Edward ArnoldPublishers. Labov, W. 1972a. Rules for ritual insults. Pp. 120169 in D. Sudnowed., Studies in social interaction. New York: Free Press. Labov, W. 1972b. Language in the Inner City: Studies in the BlackEnglish Vernacular. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Schiffrin, Deborah. 1990. The management of a co-operative self duringargument: the role of opinions and stories. Pp. 241259 in.A.Grimshaw (ed.), Conflict talk: Sociolinguistic investigations ofarguments in conversations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Totah, Karina. Trainspottings Playlist: A Compilation of Subcultural Struggles. https://www.brightlightsfilm.com/44/train.htm. Accessed August 3, 2005.

Heroism Main Theme in Beowulf - 3076 Words

The main theme of Beowulf is heroism. This involves far more than physical courage. It also means that the warrior must fulfill his obligations to the group of which he is a key member. There is a clear-cut network of social duties depicted in the poem. The king has an obligation to behave with generosity. He must reward his thanes with valuable gifts for their defense of the tribe and their success in battle. This is why King Hrothgar is known as the â€Å"ring-giver.† He behaves according to expectations of the duties of a lord when he lavishly rewards Beowulf and the other Geat warriors for ridding the Danes of Grendel’s menace. But the thanes have their obligation too. (A thane is a warrior who has been rewarded by his king with a†¦show more content†¦Beowulf and Hrothgar give praise to God for the defeat of Grendel. The outcome of battles is attributed to the judgment of God, and Beowulf puts his trust in God. The scriptural reference, however, ar e restricted to the Old Testament rather than the New. The story of Cain and Abel is mentioned, for example, in explaining the origins of Grendel. And the sword hilt of Grendel’s mother is engraved with a depiction of the Flood described in the book of Genesis. But Beowulf makes no mention at all of Christ, or an afterlife in heaven for the believer. The burial rites described, in which warriors are buried with their treasure, does not suggest belief in a Christian heaven. Scholars debate the question of how fundamental Christianity is to the poem. It does not strike anyone as a thoroughly Christian work. The atmosphere of much of Beowulf is dark and pagan. There are many references to an impersonal fate that controls the destinies of men. â€Å"Fate goes ever as fate must,† (line 455) says Beowulf, only a few lines after he has referred to the judgment of God. Not long after this, when Beowulf tells of his battles with sea-monsters, he says, â€Å"fate spare s the man it has not already marked.† He does not say God spares the man. And the poet’s words, â€Å"fate, the grim shape of things to come† (lines 1233-1234) does not suggest Christian hope and joy. The two perspectives, pagan and Christian,Show MoreRelatedHeroism as the Main Theme of Beowulf Essay2557 Words   |  11 PagesHeroism as the Main Theme of Beowulf The main theme of Beowulf is heroism. This involves far more than physical courage. It also means that the warrior must fulfil his obligations to the group of which he is a key member. There is a clear-cut network of social duties depicted in the poem. The king has an obligation to behave with generosity. He must reward his thanes with valuable gifts for their defense of the tribe and their success in battle. This is why King HrothgarRead MoreThe Epic Of Beowulf By William Shakespeare935 Words   |  4 PagesWhat comes in your mind when you hear the word Heroism. Does a knight in shining armor pops up in your mind or maybe a firefighter who s willing to put down his life for the good of others , well Beowulf was both. In the novel Beowulf , to me, the main theme of the entire story is heroism. Beowulf is your knight in shining armor or your fire fighter who goes into a living hell to save a kitten. Heroism is scattered all over this epic poem. 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Althete Safety Free Essays

No matter what age. Gender, or ethnicity sports are universal. Whether the sports are American or otherwise, anyone can play/do sports. We will write a custom essay sample on Althete Safety or any similar topic only for you Order Now Thousands of people sign up to play sports in this country every day. In America, sports are one of the top hobbies people do every day. There are so many sports; It is in fact difficult to choose a few among them. However each sport has Its own set of rules. Sports are more popular for teens nowadays but they are the top reason teens are getting injured these days. Rules used to be very minimal when sports were first rated, but as of today each sport has its own specific set of rules to follow by. At every sporting event It Is mandatory to have some type of medical team or medical kit with you at all times. Concussions are the biggest concern when it comes to injuries. Especially playing football, or boxing or other head to head sports. In each sport they make rules to try and prevent the cause of concussions. The rules in each sport nowadays are so advanced that they try so hard to push the Importance of how bad a concussion can be toward an athlete. A concussion could ruin a player’s season, or even career. This doesn’t happen to teen athletes. This could occur to those playing in the NIL (National Hockey League), the NFG (National Football League) and even boxing along with many other sports. Many people believe that the new set of rules and regulations set for each sport to try to protect athletes from being injured is unnecessary; while others believe that they’re great and can definitely save people. Many people are all for the rules and regulations to protect the athletes. Most of the reason they have these rules and isolations Is to prevent lawsuits and of course concussions According to past experiences with teammates it should be a requirement for student athletes or any athlete for this matter to be provided with training in recognizing symptoms of certain medical issues such as; concussions, asthma, or other head and neck injuries. Being both healthy and safe will help you become a better athlete and obviously will help you stay safe of other injuries. Injuries at teenage levels can be taken very serious, even if it’s Just a sprain or a pulled muscle. Stretching out each day when you aka up, before and after you work out will not only loosen up your muscles but it’ll reduce the percentage of injuries. According to â€Å"USA Today† 1. 35 million youth athletes have a serious injury each year due to sports and not being healthy with your body. The top youth sports injuries occur with contact of the head or your ankles. The highest percentage rate of injuries Is your ankles at 15%. The second highest Is your head with 14%. Surprisingly enough the lowest percentage injury Is your knees at 9%. The most common sports for these types of Injuries to happen are in football and basketball. According to â€Å"USA Today’ the number of people with concussions this past year at ages 19 and under is at 394,350 playing football. The number of concussions due to playing basketball is at 389,610 this past year. These Injuries are due to no safety training to these student athletes. By age the highest percentage rate for concussions is 47% at ages 12-15. The lowest percentage rate for concussions is at 5% for athletes 7 and under. Increasing. Athletes would rather focus on playing the game and getting ready to compete then focusing on their warm up and being provided with training. However, any Americans frequently utilize the healthcare system for treatment of injuries resulting from everyday activities such as sports. Whether the sports are for the school or an intramural the number of injuries is still pretty high due to the fact of not training the symptoms of injuries. Every year the percentage rate goes up because of the different rule changes. Many suffer from minor or even serious sports-related injuries. Throughout the years of sports so many rules have changed that the injury level on student athletes keeps changing. However, the number of injuries occurs a lot wrought bigger level sports, such as; the NFG, NIL and boxing or other head on sports. The sports don’t have to be head on Just to injure yourself. You can play any sport and injure anything in your body if you use it the wrong way. The more you don’t focus on training for the symptoms the easier it is to injure yourself. It could change your life in a negative way. Whether you train yourself or not for the symptoms of injuries there’s still a possibility you can get injured. You can’t prevent getting injured 100%, but if you trained yourself for the symptoms then you have a better chance to prevent injury. How to cite Althete Safety, Papers

The Chimney Sweeper Essay Research Paper The free essay sample

The Chimney Sweeper Essay, Research Paper ? The Chimney Sweeper? From Songs of Innocence William Blake? s Songs of Innocence comprises? vocals of happy cheer? about field and flower, hill and watercourse, and the artlessness of kid and lamb, as seen through the eyes of a kid ( World Book vol.2 pg 314 ) . In one extract, ? The Chimney Sweeper, ? Blake, through spiritual symbolism, gives the image of an artlessness kid populating a life of adversity and heartache that additions comfort from the cognition that God will present him to a better life in Eden. The image of this kid? who cried when his caput, that curled like a lamb? s back, was shaved? gives the feeling of the sacrificial lamb, sacrificed into a life of adversity, poorness, and early decease. The child dreams of an? Angel who had a bright key and he opened the caskets and put them all free, ? an angel who carried the word of God and of ageless life. We will write a custom essay sample on The Chimney Sweeper Essay Research Paper The or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The? river? that they wash in is symbolic of the baptism that cle autonomic nervous systems away their wickednesss, and? radiance in the Sun? represents reflecting in God? s visible radiation. ? The Angel told Tom, if he? d be a good male child, ? unrecorded by the word of God, ? he? vitamin D have God for his male parent and neer want joy, ? he will be at peace. When the kid awakens from his dream, although? the forenoon was cold, ? he is? happy and warm? transporting the love of God within him ; comforted by the cognition that God will protect him from injury every bit long as he believes. Blake? s poesy emphasizes the? religious instead than physical world? of life ( New Standard Encyclopedia B-281 ) . Although the verse forms in Songs Of Innocence? are charmingly lyrical, written with about childly simpleness, ? they carry a powerful, religious message of God ( B-281 ) . ? The Chimney Sweeper? gives hope to a kid life in a universe of poorness where there is virtually no hope. Blake, William. New Standard Encyclopedia. 1995 erectile dysfunction. Vol 3. Pg B-281. Blake, William. The World Book Encyclopedia. 1965 erectile dysfunction. Vol 2. Pg 314.